Dalits and New Media:
Towards a Progressive Social Discourse
Rev. Sunil Raj Philip,
Director,
Church of South India Synod Communications.
Introduction
Communication in India is complex and complicate in tune with the stratification and hierarchical order of Indian casteist society. Casteism, being the most complex and discriminatory social system of the world, vehemently denied the right of Dalits to have the education. Thus letters and literature were inaccessible for Dalits for about three millennia; even though they kept their oral tradition alive. Things were changed not because of any positive change of attitude of the dominant caste groups of India; but, ironically, because of the intervention of the western missionaries. It was Christian missionaries, who wanted to produce the Bible in the several languages of the country, who introduced printing and publishing in India[1]. News magazines, newspapers, books and pamphlets were published by the missionaries. Local dominant caste people took part as assistants.
Even though the colonial power and its myriad ways of implementation have been severely criticised, it was a blessing in disguise for the Dalits in India. When the missionaries, especially the protestant missionaries, shifted the focus of their mission work and conversion to the vulnerable communities in India, doors were open for the Dalits to access education. In a sense, Dalits were able to effectively use one power (colonial) to overpower the other power (casteist dominance) to a certain extend. It is an astonishing fact that there are a number of eminent writers among the Dalits even though they are in the third or fourth generation literates. While the writers from Dalit background emerged as a force in the last decade, hindrances were umpteen from the casteist Indian media. They are branded as ‘Dalit writers’ who write ‘Dalit literature’. This tokenism in the field of literature has been used as part of the ploy to suppress the emergence of the literature of the Dalits as a rebellion against the casteist social matrix of India.
There is a need for a communicative medium for any writer or a thinker. It is very important for anybody to reach a mass audience in the twenty-first century to disseminate his/her ideas. Mass media’s support is very much needed to spread ideas, views and socio-political stands. Mass media in India have been growing at a rapid pace. ‘India has a powerful press. Ranked next to China [107 copies sold daily], India has a booming [099 million copies] newspaper industry. The US press is a distant fourth [051 million copies]. India has over 04720 daily newspapers and 14743 weeklies. With 34 news Channels, India’s electronic media has made its mark[2].’ Print media is getting challenged by the visual media and the new media such as internet and mobile phones are getting more accessibility. It is important to discuss how Dalits are portrayed in these media and how far Dalits are able to utilise these media effectively.
Media: Is it a serious affair?
The characteristics of mass media also have been undergoing drastic changes. From being a serious affair of bringing news to the masses, it has been changed into entertaining people even with the news. There is no more news, but only ‘news stories’. The unavailability of the basic needs for the people from the margins and the sufferings of the vulnerable communities are not at all news, or they are overshadowed by the news about celebrities, entertainments, party politics and even sexuality (which usually male chauvinist). Information also becomes infotainment. These characteristics are actually against the interests and needs of the marginalised communities in India.
Media: a mirror of society or more?
Indian media is a cross-section of Indian society, or one could rightly say that Indian media is an exaggerated cross-section of Indian society. There is no doubt that mass media is primarily a business. But certain ethics were expected in this nexus of business and media. With the intervention of neoliberal policies and the encroaching of corporate giants in the field of mass media helped to lose those ethics too. In other words, the new economic policies and corporate helped the existing Brahmanical ideologies and forces to be reiterated in the field of mass media. In this kind of a scenario, there is no wonder that ‘there were almost none [Dalits] in 1992, and there are almost none today: Dalits in the newsrooms of India's media organisations. Stories from the lives of close to 25 per cent of Indians (Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes) are unlikely to be known — much less broadcast or written about[3].’ The absence of Dalits in the newsroom is a pointer to the disinterest of Indian mass media towards the retrogressive caste system in general and the issues faced by Dalits in India in particular. That is why Rupesh Kumar, who is a filmmaker from the Dalit background, says that "It is time we broke the established visual language for depicting Dalits, be it in films or in the news media[4]."
The lethargic approach of Indian mass media is glaringly evident. Space in the print media and time in the visual media is sparingly kept apart for the Dalit issues. One positive change in the recent years is that the resurgence of Dalit movements and active interventions of Dalit writers and activists have been compelling Indian mass media to give space, even though as tokenism most of the times in the media. Even then also the portrayal of Dalits is most of the times in a distorted way. ‘Media tends to stereotype Dalits- often with a negative connotation. For instance, if an individual Dalit made a mistake in public life, the impression goes that ‘they are like that’. The whole community gets stigmatized. But, when a Dalit outshines in public life, the impression goes that ‘he/she is an exceptional Dalit’![5] Trivialising Dalit insurgence into mere caste politics by the Indian mass media also could be considered as a ploy against Dalits. One of the recent examples of this is the reporting of the death of Ilavarasan in Tamil Nadu. Instead of criticising the dominant approach of the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) which triggered the communal violence. This row of events ended up in the separation of a couple of inter-caste marriage (Dalit- Vanniyar) and eventually the death of the husband, Ilavarasan, who was a Dalit. Instead of reacting to this issue as caste-based oppression of Dalits and the violent invasion on the right to live, mass media portrayed it as a clash between two caste groups. The discussion on inter-caste marriage, which could be used as a tool to overcome caste-based discriminations, was not initiated by mass media and thus revealed its casteist face. Those who work in the mass media argues, directly or indirectly, that they are giving what the public want. The visual media is more interested in the ratings and the issues related to the Dalits, Tribals, Adivasis and other vulnerable people are not helpful in this regards according to their assessment. That is why in the issue of Koodamkulam, even though the media gives coverage to the people’s struggles, Indian mass media rally behind the government and brush the serious concerns about common people’s safety under the carpet.
Indian media’s agenda-setting
The term ‘Agenda Setting’ was coined by McCombs and Shaw to describe a phenomenon which had long been noticed and studied in the context of election campaigns. The core idea is that the news media indicate to the public what the main issues of the day are and that is reflected in what the public perceives as the main issues[6].’ While Indian media sets the agenda, it ‘normally’ tends to avoid the issues faced by Dalits and to discreetly support the status quo of the casteist Indian social matrix. By using the tokenism for the Dalit writers and thinkers, these print and visual media are trying to put them into the box. Tokenism also helps to neutralise the emergence of Dalit consciousness and the questions raised by them. The actual need is to portray the needs and struggles of Dalits without any bias. But unfortunately, Indian print and visual media miserably fail to meet this ethical aspect of journalism. But interestingly Dalits in India find an alternative in the new media such as social networking and mobile phones.
Social networking: new space for Dalits
Since social networking is free (to a certain extend) and opens for all unlike the print and visual media, Dalits find it as a viable and useful media. It is nearly impossible for Dalits to start and run a media firm, but can easily log in to any social media site and give expression to his/her thoughts. An empirical study suggests that most of the people use social media sites to make new relations and friends. Many others use this for information and socialising. But this study says that a significant number of people use these sites for debates too.[7] Dalits have been widely using social networking sites to generate debates about the casteism and issues related to it. They make assertions through online media and social media. ‘They utilise the newer possibilities of cyberspace to constitute an important new space for the subaltern [Dalits]. It maps the emergence of a subaltern [Dalit] cyberspace with interesting and important consequences not only for the Dalits – the ‘untouchable’ castes of India – but for the political culture in the age of digital media[8].’ It is interesting to note at this point that the paradigm shift to the cyber age was actually initiated by a Dalit, Sam Pitroda, advisor to the Prime Minister of India on public information infrastructure and innovations! Dr Meena Dhanda, a well-known scholar in Philosophy and Cultural Politics, observes that Social networking has speeded the exchange of information between Dalits in India and abroad.[9]
In social networking sites, Dalits find their peer groups from all over India and even from abroad. Sharing the common concerns and raising theoretical, philosophical and sociological questions against casteist discriminations are common features of Dalit interventions in the social networking sites. It is important to note that the thoughts of Ambedkar are given much importance in the arguments of Dalits to make their points. Ambedkar and his ideology have a great impact on the Dalits in India and this factor is a pointer to the possibility of an emerging common consciousness among the Dalits in this information technology era than the past decades.
Even though the postings, discussions and responses in the social networks by Dalits contain their pain and pathos and the anguish and anger against the inhuman caste system, they do step out of the emotional straightjacket and position themselves to a level of quality discussion and debate with a theoretical approach backed with relevant data. Presence of many Dalit students who excel in their respective field of education, activists, writers and critics in the social networking sites makes a perfect arena to present their case, make perfect counter-arguments, and thus redesign the trajectory of the discussion in the favour of the Dalits. This does not mean that they do not face challenges. The Dalits who are seriously engaged in the discussion are looked down upon with the casteist comments. They are accused of ‘dividing the society’, while they speak about the casteist discriminations! They are continually told that they speak about casteism because of their ‘inferiority complex’! Social networking sites are flooded with the casteist outbursts against the reservation system. The Dalits are advised by the casteist people to ‘work hard’ instead of ‘crying’ for reservation. While these kinds of criticisms are raised, Dalit thinkers and activists make prompt and befitting counter-arguments. They profusely use historical and ideological materials to substantiate their viewpoints.
The deliberate and collective attack in social networking sites against Dalit affirmation is not a rare case. Recently Dalit activists like Manushyaputhiran, Meena Kandasamy and Kavinmalar were vehemently attacked in the social networking sites on their stand in the death (murder?) of Ilavarasan in Tamil Nadu. The Hindu reports that “Everything seems to be a fair game - from targeting the commentator’s disability to even sexually-provocative innuendoes. Hate campaigners, often under the cloak of anonymity or inventing provocative online aliases, are leaving no stone unturned while commenting on social networks”[10]. Though the criticisms are unfair and go to any extent to tarnish Dalits and to undermine their arguments, Dalits in the social networking realm are capable enough to continue their theoretical and sociological arguments.
Print and visual media realise that social networking sites are becoming stronger and they cannot turn their face from the discussions taking place in this new media. Hence, print and visual media nowadays quote from the postings in the visual media and even publish the photos and other materials from social networking sites. This gives space for the Dalit issues too to an extent. Utilising this possibility is really a challenge for the Dalits. The accessibility of social networking even in mobile phones makes things easier and viable for young Dalits. Coping with the situation to bring casteist discrimination in public discourse is a challenge, which should be continually taken up by the Dalits.
The low rate of higher education among the Dalits in India and the situation to live in the margins of the society and in the remotest villages keeps most of the Dalits away from being in tune with the new developments in the field of information technology. It is really a responsibility of the society in general and educated Dalits/Dalit leaders, in particular, to see that more and more Dalits focus on better education. Encouraging more Dalit students to be competent enough to utilise modern technologies for a better assertion is the need of the hour. It is the collective responsibility of the government and citizens to fill the ‘digital divide’, which is still prevalent in the casteist Indian society. R. S. Khere rightly points out that the "dependency challenge," though widely identified and increasingly politically exploited in recent decades, is perhaps still most difficult for Dalits to surmount. Since Dalits, today need aggressive preparation and effective practical strategies to secure their share from the wider society, here new social learning is as important for them as is an unlearning of whatever has socially kept them divided and weak. Most importantly, the Dalit youth must now clearly see how their major interests significantly shift as India rapidly privatizes and globalizes[11]. Knowledge in the field of technology developed skill in language and effective interventions in the field of media will be helpful in the move towards this goal.
Dalit Christian theology in the new media
Surprisingly, the presence of Dalit Christian theology in the new media and social networking sites is negligible. Christians raise the question that “how can one be a Dalit even after becoming a Christian?” By raising this question, they are trying to hide that fact that Indian church is very much under the clutches of casteism. They are trying to evade the Christian responsibility to fight against casteism within and outside the church by pretending that there is no caste division within the church. Dalit (Christian) theology directly addresses the issue of casteism (within the church too) and tries to expound the biblical and theological aspects that support Dalit resurgence and their right for equality. The increasing intervention of Dalit theologians and uploading of materials on Dalit theology is needed in the new media to spread this ‘gospel’.
Conclusion
As part of asserting the self-esteem and countering casteist attacks in the media, Dalits skilfully utilise the new media. Their interventions in social networking could be rightfully considered and the communication for social change. It is the responsibility of the people, who believe in equality and justice, to give ample support for these interventions in social networking sites. Communication in its effective form and with a sense of justice is much needed to make a society, which is progressive and void of casteist discriminations.
Notes
[1] http://www.hindu.com/mag/2007/04/01/stories/2007040100080400.htm Accessed on 17.6.2013
[2]http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:qDS_ykKOWUwJ:www.chandrabhanprasad.com/My%2520Camp/End%2520Apartheid%2520from%2520Indian%2520Media.doc+&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=in Accessed on 17.6.2013
[3] http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/missing-from-the-indian-newsroom/article3294285.ece Accessed on 5.7.2013
[4] http://roundtableindia.co.in/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=6662:against-stereotyping-the-dalit-discourse&catid=61:opinion&Itemid=56 Accessed on 16.7.2013
[5]http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:qDS_ykKOWUwJ:www.chandrabhanprasad.com/My%2520Camp/End%2520Apartheid%2520from%2520Indian%2520Media.doc+&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=in Accessed on 16.7.2013
[6] Denis McQuail, McQuail’s Mass Communication Theory, (New Delhi: Vistaar Publications, 2006), p 512.
[7] http://academia.edu/907531/Why_People_Use_Social_Networking_Sites Accessed on 9.7.2013
[8]http://academia.edu/1482588/THE_DIGITAL_DALIT_SUBALTERNITY_AND_CYBERSPACE
Accessed on 10.7.2013
[9] http://grfdt.com/InterviewDetails.aspx?TabId=16 Accessed on 10.7.2013
[10]http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-tamilnadu/trolls-invade-social-media-space-activists/article4916225.ece Accessed on 15.7.2013
[11] http://www.rgics.org/pdf1/wpn-49.pdf Accessed on 10.7.2013
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